EXPEDIENTE Flagged companiesCorruption & public procurementPERÍODO 2006–2026Press & courts + State procurement (OCDS) · verified

Investigation · Con la tuya, contribuyente

Companies flagged for corruption: does the data confirm it?

We start from companies flagged in the press and courts for corruption, fraud or irregularities with the Uruguayan State. Then we look each one up in the State procurement data to see whether the flag leaves a trace in the open records. Some are fully there; others —the biggest— barely appear, and that invisibility says something too.

Press + courtsCross-checked with the dataEvery figure sourced

flagged companies

from press and courts, verified

verifiable in the data

appear as State suppliers

outside the scope

defense, concessions, PPP, private frauds

with a final conviction

the rest: complaint, investigation or observation

How it was done

Two steps: the flag first, then the data

First we listed companies publicly flagged for corruption or irregularities with State bodies. Each case was adversarially verified against at least two independent sources —prosecutors, the judiciary, the Tribunal de Cuentas, JUTEP or serious press— and figures and legal statuses were corrected. The rebuttal and the caveat were always kept.

Only then did we look each company up in the site's data (State procurement / OCDS): whether it appears as a supplier, with how many contracts and with which bodies. The numbers in the "data" column come from that query, run against the live database. Where the flag leaves no trace —military procurement, concessions, PPPs or private frauds— we say so explicitly.

The blind spot

The biggest cases are the hardest to see

The highest-value scandals tend to be the least visible in the open data: defense procurement (Cardama, €82 M), concessions (Katoen Natie), PPPs and projects like Gas Sayago fall outside the State-procurement feed. And even when the company is there —like ITHG at ASSE— the data may record a tiny fraction of the money paid directly. Spending transparency thins out exactly where the most money moves.

Keep exploring

The cases with their own page

Two investigations built record by record from this list.

Health · ASSE

ITHG: 5 records for US$20 million

🚑

A maritime supplier that concentrated 96% of ASSE transfers by direct purchase. The data shows $33 M; the Tribunal de Cuentas, over $2,000 M.

Open the investigation →

Defense · Armed forces

Saturno: the barracks’ meat

🥩

283 contracts for $1,140 M with all three forces and INDA. In the Navy, a 57-tonne shortfall ended up with prosecutors.

Open the investigation →

Sector

Public health / ASSE

ITHG Proveedores Marítimos

Criminal complaint✓ Appears in the data · 5 · 2021–2025

A firm created in 2020 as a maritime supplier that came to concentrate 96.47% of ASSE's SAME 105 transfer spending via direct purchases without MSP authorization, at above-market prices, with one ambulance paid US$800k that did "one trip every two days".

At stake~US$20 M in 3 years · US$800k for a single ambulance (2024)

Status100% of spend observed by the Tribunal de Cuentas; ASSE criminal complaint (April 2026) against the former board (Leonardo Cipriani and others).

In the dataThe data shows just 5 records for ~$33 M; the ASSE audit and the Tribunal de Cuentas document over $2,000 M. The bulk was paid by direct purchase and left almost no open trace.

The other side The company is not formally charged: the criminal case targets the former ASSE officials. The flag on ITHG is about contracting (direct purchase, concentration, prices), not a conviction.

Solidar (JD&A SAS)

Observation (TCR / JUTEP)✓ Appears in the data · 49 · 2023–2026

A 2020 ambulance SAS that shares address, equipment and contracts with ITHG and bid as an "independent" competitor in ASSE's ambulance framework agreement.

StatusThe Tribunal de Cuentas observed the framework (6-to-1, Oct 2024) citing "signs of prohibited practices" against competition and referred it to the antitrust body (MEF).

In the dataAppears in the data as JD&A S.A.S., an ASSE ambulance supplier sharing ITHG's address.

The other side The framework was suspended and never took effect. Solidar/JD&A operated mainly as ITHG's subcontractor; the large observed amounts are ITHG's.

Asociación Civil Buena Estrella

Final conviction✓ Appears in the data · 1 · 2010

An ASSE hospital-cleaning cooperative that clocked absent staff and logged non-billable hours to inflate its invoices. An ASSE director leaked it reserved tender information so it would win.

At stakeProven over-billing of more than US$100k at Hospital Maciel alone (2010–2011)

StatusFinal conviction: about ten people prosecuted (2014) and ASSE director Alfredo Silva convicted (2018) for conflict of interest (2 years, disqualification, $2,143,420 fine).

In the dataAppears with one contract; most of its ASSE cleaning billing predates/parallels the OCDS record.

The other side Silva was a worker-appointed ASSE director; his conviction was for conflict of interest, not bribery. The bribery counts fall on unionist Heber Texeira and others.

Joaka · Onamérica · Apex (tercerizadas de ASSE)

Prosecution✓ Appears in the data · 81 · 2010–2017

Outsourced cleaning, portering and security firms in ASSE hospitals whose owners paid kickbacks to Heber Texeira, the union boss of the outsourced staff, to speed up ASSE's payments and keep their contracts.

At stakeConfessed kickbacks of ~$3,000 to ~$150,000 to the union boss; Onamérica: ~$40k

StatusProsecution (July 2014) for continued simple bribery of the owners of four firms (Apex, Jorge Lucero, Onamérica and Joaka); Texeira jailed.

In the dataAll three appear as ASSE service suppliers: Joaka (66 contracts), Onamérica (10) and Asociación Apex (5). Onamérica kept contracting with ASSE after the scandal.

The other side Per the court, the kickbacks aimed to speed up payments (ASSE paid every ~90 days), not to win the contracts. Onamérica was prosecuted without jail.

Sakira · Macromar (tapabocas COVID)

Press flag✓ Appears in the data · 3119 · 2020–2026

During the COVID-19 emergency the State bought face masks by direct purchase at prices far above import cost. la diaria's investigation (PALTA network) documented the markup; Sakira and Macromar are among the suppliers.

At stakeFace masks paid up to 3–4× their import cost (emergency purchase, no margin control)

StatusPress flag; no judicial process against the firms.

In the dataBoth appear as State PPE suppliers: Sakira (3,119 contracts, medical supplies) and Macromar (2,027). They did sell face masks to the State during the emergency.

The other side The 3–4× markup is a GENERAL finding about the set of emergency purchases, not an accusation of illegality against Sakira or Macromar specifically.

Sector

Defense & armed forces

Frigorífico Saturno (Abasto de Carnes Saturno)

Prosecutorial investigation✓ Appears in the data · 283 · 2012–2026

A Navy meat supplier since 2013. In the case over dozens of "disappeared" tonnes, over-prices and un-tendered cuts were found: officers ordered sirloin though the award was for shoulder, and the plant set well-above-market prices, deducting them from pending deliveries. 26 delivery notes had irregular stamps and signatures.

At stakeShortfall of ~57 tonnes (~$8.4 M) between the Navy's tenders 28/2021 and 28/2022

StatusInvestigation by the Economic & Complex Crimes Prosecutor (Sandra Fleitas); Navy criminal complaint (late 2022); 12 officers summoned.

In the dataA major State meat supplier: 283 contracts for ~$1,140 M, with INDA, the Army, the Navy, the Air Force and Military Health. The criminal case concerns the Navy's purchases.

The other side The criminal probe centers on the Navy officers. The plant is not formally charged, though its prices and delivery notes are under question.

Floridian S.A. (avión presidencial)

Observation (TCR / JUTEP)✓ Appears in the data · 1 · 2017

Sole bidder and winner of the Air Force's Public Tender 20/2016 for the presidential plane. The Tribunal de Cuentas flagged it as "tailored": max age 40 years (the plane was 38), minimum 8 passengers (it carried exactly 8), and a 60-day airworthiness-certificate deadline impossible for competitors to meet.

At stakeUS$1,010,000 (a 38-year-old used Hawker HS-125-700A); auctioned in 2020 for US$180,000

StatusRepeated Tribunal de Cuentas observation (4-3 vote) and parliamentary questioning of the Defense Minister; no criminal case. A Tribunal member said he had never seen a tender "so tailored".

In the dataA single record: the presidential plane bought for the Air Force for US$1,010,000 (record 512129, 2017). Fully verifiable.

The other side The purchase went ahead and the Tribunal de Cuentas itself later lifted the observation by majority. Floridian is the local Mercedes-Benz dealer; it was never charged.

Astillero Cardama (patrulleros de la Armada)

Criminal complaint○ Outside the data's scope

The Spanish shipyard won the 2023 build of two patrol vessels for the Navy. The government found "signs of fraud/estafa": the guarantee was backed by EuroCommerce, a UK firm in liquidation with no real premises, no staff and a Russian director.

At stake€82.2 M contract for two ocean patrol vessels; the State wired ~US$30 M before rescinding

StatusContract rescinded (2025-2026); criminal complaint for fraud/estafa before the Economic Crimes Prosecutor; civil and administrative actions to recover the money.

In the dataLarge military procurement does not go through Compras Estatales: the biggest recent contracting scandal (€82 M) leaves no record in the data.

The other side Cardama denies fraud, calling it "political"; it filed its own legal action against the State. The actual build progress is disputed (inspectors reported 16 of 27 blocks joined).

Lunacar S.A. / Vertical Skies (caso Astesiano)

Prosecutorial investigation✓ Appears in the data · 6 · 2021–2023

In the Astesiano case, US firm Vertical Skies sold to the State through its Uruguayan vehicle Lunacar S.A., with Astesiano as broker: tactical gear to Defense and a drone to UTE. Vertical Skies' manager asked Astesiano for espionage dossiers on senators.

At stakeUS$749,000 drone to UTE; a businessman testified paying US$170,000 to Astesiano/Vertical Skies for "won tenders"

StatusProsecutorial investigation (Astesiano case); manager Marcelo Acuña sentenced to 18 months for spying on senators; a Defense award was cancelled "out of prudence".

In the dataAppears with 6 contracts (~$11 M). The US$749k drone to UTE and Defense sales are tied to Vertical Skies via Lunacar.

The other side Acuña's conviction is for the espionage, not the State sales; the probe into the awards remains open.

Sector

Security & surveillance

Dígitro Tecnologia («El Guardián»)

Observation (TCR / JUTEP)✓ Appears in the data · 12 · 2017–2024

Supplier of the Interior Ministry's "El Guardián" lawful-interception system. The original purchase and the upgrade were done by exception direct-purchase under a secrecy regime, without tender and hidden from the record, blocking public oversight.

At stakeOriginal purchase ~US$2 M (2013) + ~US$200k/yr; "Guardián Online" upgrade US$1,098,060 (2022)

StatusAuthorized by the Tribunal de Cuentas; questioned by senators (Charles Carrera's information requests) and scrutinized after the Astesiano case over the use of Interior's surveillance systems.

In the dataThe Brazilian supplier appears in the data (~$115 M) even though the spyware purchases were made under a secrecy regime.

The other side No criminal charge against the firm: the flag is about transparency/contracting. In the Astesiano case the misuse points to the official, not Dígitro.

Elbit Security Systems (cámaras de Maldonado)

Observation (TCR / JUTEP)✓ Appears in the data · 3 · 2016–2023

The Maldonado departmental government directly contracted Elbit —no tender— for 1,200 surveillance cameras. The Interior Ministry said they cost "three times more" than tendered ones, and the information was hidden for over a year.

At stake1,200 cameras for US$18.5 M (other sources: +US$27 M) · ~3× the price of tendered cameras

StatusTribunal de Cuentas observation over the direct contract; strong parliamentary controversy; the courts forced disclosure.

In the dataThe Israeli firm appears in the data (Elbit Systems Land & C4I + an "Elbit System" 2016 record for ~$607 M).

The other side It is a contracting observation (price and method), not a conviction. The price comparison comes from the Interior Ministry itself.

DDBA (reconocimiento facial)

Prosecutorial investigation✓ Appears in the data · 1 · 2020

Integrator of Spain's Herta Security software. Per documents and recordings, the Interior Ministry was "decisive" in the AUF awarding DDBA the Estadio Centenario facial-recognition cameras (2016) despite a rival bid rated better and ~16% cheaper.

At stakeCentenario cameras ~US$1,254,000 (vs Servinfo's US$1,081,000, 16% cheaper); police software ~US$639,000

StatusProsecutorial investigation (Silvia Pérez) and a FIFA Ethics Committee probe of AUF officials; complaints by clubs.

In the dataIts vehicle CDT Latam appears in the data for the police forensic facial-recognition software (2020, ~US$16.7 M in pesos).

The other side The 2016 tender was run by the AUF (private), not the State; the state element is Interior's pressure. The prosecutor said she found no sign a company benefited illicitly.

Sector

Energy & state firms (Ancap · UTE)

Trafigura (crudo de Ancap)

Prosecutorial investigation✓ Appears in the data · 94 · 2019–2025

Ancap contracted Trafigura as intermediary for crude swaps with Ecuador's Petroecuador (2010-2011) without tender or competition, granting it an "extremely advantageous position" and operating for months with no signed contract. The case is tied to the international Petroecuador corruption scheme.

At stakePetroecuador intermediation of ~US$4,900 M; Trafigura gain ~US$200 M; harm to Petroecuador ~US$206 M

StatusThe Organized Crime Prosecutor (Luis Pacheco) sought the prosecution of Raúl Sendic and other former Ancap officials (2018).

In the dataToday one of the State's largest suppliers in the data: ~$86,000 M nominal in crude and products to Ancap. The figure is inflated by oil volume, but the link is real and massive.

The other side On the Trafigura count, the charged directors were acquitted by the Supreme Court (2020); Sendic was convicted, but on other counts (cards and the Exor case), not the Trafigura intermediation.

Exor (deuda de Ancap con PDVSA)

Final conviction○ Outside the data's scope

Ancap directly and irregularly hired the financial firm Exor to intermediate the early cancellation of its debt with Venezuela's PDVSA, with "multiple, successive and serious irregularities": no contract, no competitive procedure, and Sendic's verbal authorization without board approval.

At stake1.75% fee on US$321.8 M of debt; an award ordered Ancap to pay Exor ~US$5.6 M

StatusFinal conviction: Raúl Sendic convicted (2021) for abuse of office (Exor case) and embezzlement (cards): 18 months, 4 years' disqualification and a fine.

In the dataAncap's financial intermediation does not go through Compras Estatales; Exor does not appear as a supplier.

The other side The conviction falls on the former Ancap president, not on Exor. Not to be confused with Trafigura or the Exor N.V. holding (Agnelli/Fiat).

OAS · GNL del Plata (Gas Sayago)

Prosecutorial investigation○ Outside the data's scope

Brazil's OAS —a Lava Jato linchpin— built the GNL del Plata plant at Puntas de Sayago. Alleged over-billing, improper payments and Brazilian-government interference in the award are under investigation; its ex-president Leo Pinheiro admitted paying bribes over Uruguay dealings. The award to the GNLS consortium (GDF Suez/Engie) was called "absolutely irregular".

At stakePlanned investment ~US$1,200 M; State losses estimated at ~US$213 M; the State had to pay OAS US$13 M

StatusOpposition criminal complaint (2018); prosecutors archived (2023) then reopened the case; crossed civil suits; OAS bankrupt from Lava Jato.

In the dataThe regasification PPP (of UTE and Ancap) left no supplier records in Compras Estatales despite costing hundreds of millions.

The other side The prosecutor found improvisation, negligence and administrative irregularities but no crime intended to harm the State. The ~US$213 M losses are the whole project's, not only OAS's.

Teyma / Abengoa (bioetanol de ALUR)

Prosecution✓ Appears in the data · 151 · 2003–2026

At ALUR's Paysandú bioethanol plant, the contractor (Abengoa/Teyma) received six add-on payments outside the contract and a US$1 M bonus for provisional acceptance even though the plant started without meeting the terms. The prosecutor called it an "inadmissible compensation".

At stakeEPC contract ~US$120 M; six add-ons outside the original contract + a US$1 M bonus

StatusProsecutors sought the prosecution of former ALUR manager Manuel González for fraud (Ancap case, 2018).

In the dataA major State contractor in the data (151 contracts). The Spanish Abengoa's subsidiary built works for ALUR, UTE and others.

The other side The prosecution request targets the ALUR official, not Teyma. The company was the builder, not the accused.

Sector

Public works & infrastructure

Saceem · Stiler · Montelecnor (fibra de Antel)

Observation (TCR / JUTEP)✓ Appears in the data · 388 · 2002–2026

The Tribunal de Cuentas flagged a risk of collusion / price-fixing in seven 2021 Antel fiber-to-the-home tenders: awards to different suppliers with none objecting, and firms bidding while intending to form consortia with rivals.

At stakeEstimated budget $1,368 M vs payments of $1,797 M — 31.4% overcost (~US$12 M over the reverse-auction method)

StatusA Tribunal de Cuentas alert and an ex-officio investigation by the antitrust body (MEF), concluded in Dec 2024.

In the dataAll three are major State contractors: Saceem (121 contracts), Stiler (120) and Montelecnor (147). They bid in the same Antel tenders.

The other side It is an alert and investigation, NOT proven collusion nor a sanction against any firm. The names are co-bidders in the same tenders.

CSI Ingenieros (sobrefacturación en UTE)

Criminal complaint✓ Appears in the data · 137 · 2002–2026

In a 2006 UTE tender (Batlle plant lifespan), CSI Ingenieros —with Soluziona— billed US$2.8 M via add-ons exceeding 130% of the original contract. It was one of at least six UTE tenders (2006-2011) investigated for "rigged" contracts and over-billing.

At stakeUS$2,800,000 via contract add-ons: +130% over the original (the TOCAF bans exceeding 100%)

StatusCriminal complaint by UTE's president before the Organized Crime court (2012); investigation of at least six tenders; contract suspensions.

In the dataAn engineering firm with a long State relationship (137 contracts since 2002).

The other side CSI Ingenieros denied wrongdoing and said it acted "by the book". It is a complaint and investigation, with no known conviction against the firm.

Grupo Vía Central (Ferrocarril Central)

Prosecutorial investigation✓ Appears in the data · 1 · 2019

The Grupo Vía Central consortium (Saceem, Berkes, Spain's Sacyr and France's NGE) built the Central Railway for UPM under an MTOP PPP. The project ran up heavy cost overruns, questioned for lack of prior technical studies, and ended in crossed claims over over-prices and unpaid amounts.

At stakeCost overruns reported by the MTOP of around US$200 M

StatusContractual dispute: the consortium began international arbitration (2025) over State breaches. No criminal charge.

In the dataThe consortium appears with a single huge record ($2,824 M, 2019); most of the PPP is paid outside the feed.

The other side It is an overcost-and-payment dispute, not a criminal case. Both sides claim breaches by the other.

Consorcio Aguas de Montevideo (Proyecto Neptuno)

Observation (TCR / JUTEP)✓ Appears in the data · 121 · 2003–2026

The consortium won OSE's Neptuno Project (a water plant in Arazatí drawing from the Río de la Plata) under a 20-year private-participation scheme. The Tribunal de Cuentas observed both the contract and its renegotiation for "substantially changing the object of the contract", breaching equality and competition.

StatusTribunal de Cuentas observation (4-to-3, 2026); OSE resolved to override and proceed despite it.

In the dataMade up of Saceem, Berkes, Ciemsa and Fast — all major contractors present in the data individually.

The other side It is a legal-regularity observation on a highly politically and environmentally contested contract, not a criminal charge against the firms.

Katoen Natie / Terminal Cuenca del Plata

Observation (TCR / JUTEP)○ Outside the data's scope

Alleged irregularities in the 2021 deal that extended to 2081 the exclusive container-terminal concession at the Port of Montevideo to Belgium's Katoen Natie. Senators charged that the ANP president approved the extension without the board.

At stakeConcession extended to 2081; ~US$455 M of committed investment

StatusThe Tribunal de Cuentas found the deal "objectionable as to its legal regularity"; the criminal case was archived (2022) and reopened (2023).

In the dataIt is a port concession: the firm operates the terminal, it does not sell goods to the State, so it does not appear as a supplier.

The other side It is a concession, not a purchase: the flag is about the deal's regularity, not a supply contract. Competitors are pursuing international arbitration.

Cosmo (aviones de Pluna)

Final conviction○ Outside the data's scope

In the 2012 auction of state airline Pluna's seven planes, Cosmo (a "front" tied to Juan Carlos López Mena) bid backed by a Banco República guarantee granted in a "clearly and arbitrarily abusive" way. The Supreme Court called the guarantee "murky or less than transparent".

At stakeBanco República guarantee of US$13.6 M

StatusFinal conviction for abuse of office of former BROU president Fernando Calloia (upheld by the Supreme Court) and former Economy Minister Fernando Lorenzo.

In the dataCosmo was a bidder in a State liquidation auction, not a State supplier; it does not appear in the data.

The other side The probe of the private parties (López Mena, Calvo Sánchez) was archived for lack of intent. The conviction falls on the officials who granted the guarantee, not on Cosmo.

Sector

City governments

Prodie · Habilis (luminarias LED de Montevideo)

Criminal complaint✓ Appears in the data · 313 · 2004–2026

In Montevideo's mega-tender to renew ~70,000 LED luminaires, the city filed criminal complaints against Prodie (accused of faking lab certifications and altering tests to meet requirements) and Habilis (altering parameters, then disqualified).

At stake~US$25 M tender for ~70,000 luminaires; Prodie's bid US$19 M

StatusCity criminal complaint (2019); procurement suspended; Tribunal de Cuentas observations over unequal treatment.

In the dataBoth are regular State suppliers: Prodie (165 contracts) and Habilis (148).

The other side It is a complaint by the city itself; a year on, prosecutors had not begun investigating. No known conviction.

Grupo de Artigas (Jiménez Felice · Pedrera del Norte)

Observation (TCR / JUTEP)✓ Appears in the data · 67 · 2014–2024

Firms tied to Artigas city officials: Rodrigo Jiménez Felice was awarded $120 M in works while the mayor's adviser was listed as the firm's representative; Pedrera del Norte counts among its partners the brother of a city accountant. JUTEP found spending split up and irregular tender extensions.

At stakeOver $146 M awarded to the group in four and a half years (~US$3.8 M)

StatusJUTEP ruling (2020) for breach of probity, legality and transparency; mayor Pablo Caram was convicted in a related case and disqualified.

In the dataPedrera del Norte (32 contracts) and its linked Prenorte (35) appear as regional works suppliers.

The other side Caram's conviction (14 months, suspended) was for failing to report irregularities. JUTEP is a transparency body, not a criminal court.

Rodríguez Castellini y Coito (Intendencia de Florida)

Criminal complaint✓ Appears in the data · 39 · 2021–2025

A firm owned by the son and ex-husband of the Florida mayor's personal secretary, directly contracted 37 times, dodging the tendering required once direct-purchase caps were exceeded.

At stake~US$70,000 across 37 direct purchases (2020-2023)

StatusJUTEP recommended and elevated the case to criminal justice (2024); observed by the Tribunal de Cuentas for breaching direct-purchase limits.

In the dataAppears with 39 Florida city contracts (~$7.4 M), mostly direct purchases.

The other side The mayor alleged a "smear campaign". It is a complaint elevated to prosecutors, without conviction.

Walfur (pauta oficial a empresas embargadas)

Press flag✓ Appears in the data · 330 · 2018–2025

Public bodies kept awarding official-advertising and subscription contracts to embargoed firms tied to newspaper La República —Walfur among them, with the worst credit rating— while the State itself was suing them for debts. The Environment Ministry gave it contracts even after a general embargo.

At stake~US$1.8 M to Walfur (2022-2024); +US$4.7 M to the group tied to La República

StatusPress investigation (Búsqueda, El Observador); BPS and BROU embargoes and enforcement suits ongoing.

In the dataAppears with 330 contracts, even as the State itself (BPS, BROU) was suing it for debts.

The other side A press flag about the flow of public money to embargoed firms; no known criminal corruption case.

Valorarte (contratos artísticos de la IM)

Press flag✓ Appears in the data · 1631 · 2014–2026

A cooperative used by the Montevideo city government to pay as "artists" —via purchase orders— people with no documented artistic work, including an administrative cultural coordinator. Per the investigation, it worked as a "front for irregular payments" added to other salaries.

At stake~$848,000 a year per person (2022-2025) in "artistic" contracts

StatusPress investigation (Contraviento, Búsqueda); JUTEP complaints against the city over these contracts.

In the dataAppears with 1,631 contracts (~$326 M): a cooperative used as a payment vehicle by the Montevideo city government.

The other side The flag targets the city's use of the cooperative as a payment vehicle, more than the cooperative itself. No known criminal case.

Sector

Private frauds (outside the State)

Conexión Ganadera · República Ganadera · Grupo Larrarte

Charged / indicted○ Outside the data's scope

Alleged Ponzi mega-frauds: they took in savings promising fixed returns backed by cattle that largely did not exist, using new investors' money to pay earlier ones. The largest in Uruguayan history.

At stakeConexión Ganadera ~US$250 M and ~4,000 savers; República Ganadera ~US$60 M hole; Larrarte ~US$12 M

StatusPablo Carrasco (Conexión Ganadera) and Jairo Larrarte charged/convicted for fraud; bankruptcies with hundred-million embargoes; cases before the Economic Crimes Prosecutor.

In the dataThey are private investment funds that took in public savings: they were never State suppliers, so they leave no record.

The other side Included to mark the data's limit: these are private frauds, outside public procurement, and thus NOT verifiable in this data. The harm is to savers, not to the treasury via contracts.

How to read this investigation

This is an analysis of public data and of court cases and rulings that are also public. It documents verifiable facts —contracts, amounts, legal statuses— and keeps proven facts (convictions) apart from complaints, investigations or open questions.

Appearing here does NOT mean being guilty. Many of these firms are not charged: in several cases the courts target the State officials, not the supplier. An observed contract or a direct purchase is not, on its own, proof of a crime.

Companies and people are named only as State suppliers or as parties in public cases, as they appear in the cited sources. Anyone named may add their response or correct a figure, and it will be incorporated.